Tag Archive | "Solidarity"

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Josef Glemp

Posted on 23 November 2009 by admin

Former primate of Poland, 1929-

Glemp_JózefToday the role of the Catholic Church in Polish statecraft is a matter of some debate, but 20 years ago it would have been unthinkable to overlook the church in the political arena. The ruling Communists recognized the church as a hostile yet powerful player; for Solidarity, it was a potent if at times uncertain ally.

In 1989 Josef Glemp was in his eighth year as the head of the Polish church, steering a careful course between the regime and opposition through difficult times, most notably the introduction of martial law in 1981 and the 1984 murder by state security officers of the popular dissident priest Jerzy Popieluszko. While Lech Walesa viewed the interests of the church and Solidarity as the same, some dissidents suspected the Catholic leadership was too willing to settle for peaceful coexistence with the Communist government.

But according to some historians, by 1989 Glemp recognized that an agreement with the regime was possible, and he didn’t want it to happen without church involvement. The primate played an important role in preparations for the Round Table, which paved the way for the multiparty elections of 4 June 1989. Following the peaceful transition of power, Glemp came to be seen less as a conservative unwilling to confront the regime in support of the opposition and more as a long-term strategist whose non-confrontational approach helped smooth the road to democracy.

Glemp, who had been made a cardinal by Pope John Paul II in 1983, remained the primate of the Polish church until 2006, and as such played a role in the key social and cultural controversies of post-communist Poland. He has been dogged for yeas by allegations of antisemitism, accused by Jewish groups of insensitivity to their concerns during the rancorous arguments over the construction of a Catholic convent outside Auschwitz in 1989 and the unauthorized erection of crosses near the camp nine years laters.

His attitudes toward Poland’s all-but-vanished Jewish community resurfaced in the firestorm over Neighbors, [] a 2001 book detailing how Catholic Poles massacred hundreds of Jews in the town of Jedwabne during World War II. Pre-war conflicts between Poles and Jews had an “economic basis,” Glemp told the Catholic news agency KAI. “Jews were cleverer, and they knew how to take advantage of Poles. That, in any case, was the perception.”

In 2005 Glemp was publicly critical of the Catholic and stridently conservative Radio Maryja, saying it was causing a rift in the church. Politics intervened again just as he was leaving office, when the man named to succeed him as archbishop of Warsaw, Stanislaw Wielgus, was accused of collaboration with the communist-era secret police. Glemp defended Wielgus, saying the accusations against him were exaggerated, but Wielgus resigned only a month after his appointment.

Through the two decades of democracy, as the Polish Catholic Church gradually receded from its former position as the dominant reference point for many social groups, Glemp’s influence faded, but his presence is still felt. This year, remarkably for any cleric – much less a cardinal – he appeared in a feature film, playing himself in the biopic Popieluszko. In the view of some commentators, Glemp’s screen appearance was an act of homage to the charismatic priest by a church leader who had been criticized in the past for not doing enough to protect Popieluszko in the tense period leading up to his murder.

Wojciech Kosc

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Tadeusz Mazowiecki

Posted on 19 November 2009 by admin

Polish journalist, dissident, and politician, 1927–

Mazowiecki-1989When Poland needed a recipe for national reconciliation after five decades of totalitarian rule, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the first non-communist prime minister in Central and Eastern Europe since the late 1940s, came up with the gruba linia – the notorious “thick line” that was to be drawn over the past. Whether this was a better solution than the harsh lustration law proposed by the government of former Prime Minister Jaroslaw Kaczynski remains a bone of contention in Poland.

The legacy of Mazowiecki’s 17-month tenure (August 1989-January 1991) includes more than the “thick line” formula – which, whether or not it was intended that way, has come to be seen as a conciliatory gesture to the outgoing totalitarian regime. He undertook radical steps aimed at moving Poland toward a free-market economy. The crash reforms were successful, but only at the cost of sharply rising unemployment and a fall in real wages – fallout that cost him a shot at the presidency in November 1990, when, in a shocking setback for his policies, Mazowiecki finished third behind his erstwhile ally, Solidarity titan Lech Walesa.

That year marked a split within the Solidarity camp, which Walesa and Mazowiecki had co-led for a decade. Mazowiecki, a former parliamentary deputy, was one of the principal legal advisers to the striking shipyard workers and helped mobilize intellectual support for the union. In 1981 Walesa entrusted the first Solidarity publication, Tygodnik Solidarnosc, to Mazowiecki, who was imprisoned when martial law was declared in December of that year. In early 1989 he was a key figure in the Round Table Talks that opened the door to political competition.

For the next decade and a half Mazowiecki remained in the thick of Polish political life, serving in the Sejm until 2001 and co-founding two parties, the Polish Democratic Union in 1991 and the Democratic Party in 2005. He also served as a special UN rapporteur in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 until 1995, when he resigned to protest the big powers’ inaction over the bloodshed there, including the massacre at Srebrenica.

Mazowiecki left high politics in 2006, but he is still active on the public stage as a journalist and commentator. On 31 October, in Berlin, he joined other statesmen in office in 1989 – from conservatives George H.W. Bush and Helmut Kohl to reform Communists Mikhail Gorbachev and Miklos Nemeth of Hungary – for an informal commemoration of the events of 20 years ago.

Daniela Ivanova

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1989: Central & Eastern Europe

Posted on 29 October 2009 by admin

Key events in the falls of the Communist regimes in Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and East Germany.

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Jerzy Urban

Posted on 09 October 2009 by admin

Brash journalist-turned-regime mouthpiece-turned-brash journalist, 1933-

urbanA few years after the fall of the communist regime, many Poles were enraged by a photograph of Jerzy Urban relaxing poolside at his villa in a posh Warsaw suburb. How could this hated Communist, the face of martial law, be living in such opulence?

Urban himself would say many times that in the new era he might very well have ended up hated, marginalized, and poor. That he was now hated, marginalized, and rich didn’t bother him.

Urban earned an infamous place in Poland’s collective memory when he took the job of government spokesman in August 1981, only months before Wojciech Jaruzelski – whom Urban professes to admire greatly – imposed martial law to quash Solidarity. Serving until April 1989, he became the despised face of power, laying bare the authorities’ cynicism in regularly televised press conferences.(Commenting on the Reagan administration’s economic sanctions on Poland, Urban said the people would suffer but “the government will somehow manage to feed itself.”)

Few at the time had any inkling why Urban, a renowned journalist and longtime critic of the regime (his writing was banned for a time in the 1960s) would take such a job. Later, in the 1990s, Urban would say he was irked by Solidarity’s populism, clericalism, and nationalistic bent, an attitude he has held to this day regarding the post-Solidarity political parties left, right, and center.

On the brink of personal and professional failure come 1989, Urban rescued himself with Urban’s Alphabet, a collection of short, cheeky, sometimes malicious sketches of politicians, artists, and journalists. The book became a bestseller and helped fund the creation of a weekly magazine, Nie, fullof profanity, porn, and scathing attacks on the new political elites. Its circulation soon climbed to 600,000 – a clear demonstration that other threads were running through post-communist Poland than the Catholic Church, the new politics, and economic liberalism.

Ninety-four percent of adult Poles knew who Urban was. Enough people were interested in what that scumbag was up to to buy out the entire print run,” Urban recalled in Nie in 2004.

Still published and edited by Urban and now selling about 75,000 copies an issue, Nie in recent years has become more serious, at least compared to its early days. Urban even became something of a journalistic cause celebre when he was criminally charged in 2002 for publishing a mocking attack on Pope John Paul II. (In January 2005 he was convicted and fined 20,000 zlotys, about $6,400 at the time). The bald, elfin media mogul is a frequent talk-show guest, and his pungent remarks on Polish politicians continue to entertain or enrage millions of his fellow citizens.

Wojciech Kosc


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Wojciech Jaruzelski

Posted on 05 October 2009 by admin

Poland’s last Communist leader, 1923-

A central question remains about General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of Poland throughout much of the 1980s: was he a traitor or a patriot? When he imposed martial law in 1981, was he acting to forestall a Soviet invasion or to strangle the new independent trade union Solidarity?

When martial law was declared, Solidarity went underground. But by decade’s end, amid Gorbachev’s liberalization in the Soviet Union and renewed social unrest in Poland, it re-emerged to wrest democratic changes from the Communist leadership, culminating in the partly free elections of June 1989 – a seminal event that eased the way toward peaceful political change in other Central European socialist states.

Thousands of Poles were arrested without charge during the 18 months of martial law, and perhaps 100 were killed. Since September 2008 Jaruzelski has been on trial for that decision; he has also been in court on and off over the years on charges stemming from the massacre of 44 workers in Gdynia in 1970, an assault that, as then-minister of defense, he may or may not have tried to stop.

Although a 1996 parliamentary inquiry declared that the imposition of martial law had met the legal conditions of “higher necessity” valid in 1981, he was accused a decade later by the Institute of National Remembrance of directing a criminal organization – the military council that imposed and ran the martial law – leading to the current trial. Polish daily Gazeta Wyborcza characterized the claim as an odd legal device under which “the generals are being treated like gangsters.” The judicial actions have dragged on, in large part due to Jaruzelski’s poor health.

Jaruzelski’s best-known feature, his dark glasses, harken back to the snow blindness he developed during World War II, when his family was deported to the Soviet Union. He joined the Polish army under Soviet command and reached the rank of general while still in his 30s. In 2005 Vladimir Putin presented Jaruzelski with a medal commemorating the 60th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany; the following year the Polish government gave him the Siberian Exiles Cross, than publicly withdrew the award.

Since his retirement in 1991, Jaruzelski has said communism failed and apologized for Poland’s role in the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. But he has staunchly defended the decision for which he is most remembered. “I constantly state that martial law saved Poland from looming catastrophe,” he said on the witness stand a year ago. “Martial law was evil, but it was a far lesser evil than what would have happened without it.”

Daniela Ivanova

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Dirty Laundry

Posted on 13 May 2009 by admin

One commentator says his country has learned some hard lessons since the Velvet Revolution but wonders how much wiser it is for all that.

By Martin Ehl

The chuckles and incomprehension about the fall of the Czech government in the middle of the country’s EU presidency slowly have died down. It had already become a little tiring to explain to foreigners how it transpired that Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek’s government failed a vote of confidence because of the particular interests of a few individuals. Now another foul whiff of local politicking wafts our way – this time from Poland. Continue reading …

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